๐ ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ก๐ข: ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐๐๐ก๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ข๐ฒ๐จ๐ ๐ข ๐๐๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ ๐ข๐ง ๐๐ง๐๐ข๐’๐ฌ ๐๐ก๐ซ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง
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๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ก๐ข : ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐๐๐ซ๐ง ๐๐๐ก๐จ๐๐ฌ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ข๐ฒ๐จ๐ ๐ข ๐๐๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ญ ๐ข๐ง ๐๐ง๐๐ข๐ ’ ๐ฌ ๐๐ก๐ซ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ๐๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ( ๐โ๐ ๐๐๐ฆ๐๐๐ ๐ถ๐๐๐๐๐ก๐ก๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐ผ๐ก๐ ๐ผ๐๐๐๐๐ก ๐๐ ๐กโ๐ ๐ถโ๐ข๐๐โ : ๐ด ๐ป๐๐ ๐ก๐๐๐๐๐๐ , ๐๐๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ , ๐๐๐ ๐โ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐ด๐๐๐๐ฆ๐ ๐๐ ) ๐จ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ The Niyogi Committee Report of 1956 has long been recognized as a pivotal document in shaping post-independence India's response to Christian missions and conversions. While it was presented as a neutral government investigation, its assumptions, interpretations, and recommendations have had enduring effects—both legally and ideologically—on the Church in India. This article examines the historical context and implications of the Report and critically analyzes its role in strengthening Hindu nationalist ideologies and anti-conversion laws. It further explores how the Church, in light of...